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A HISTORICAL SKETCH OF KONG HOCK KEONG

updated: 06/03/2003 03:07:14
Tan Kim Hong

Early Chinese temples in Malaysia which exhibited a pantheon of popular gods and deities were mostly established through the collective effort of immigrant-settlers and home-based sejourners. It was a gesture of thanks-giving for the success, prosperity and personal safety they had been blessed with Kong Hock Keong at Pitt Street which served as a community temple was founded in 1800 on a piece of land donated in perpetuity by the East India Company Government during the administration of Sir George Leith. In the colonial frontier settlement of early 19th century Penang where there was a discontinuity of traditional Chinese social order and a vacuum of strong indigenous superstructure, Kong Hock Keong was a natural outgrowth of Chinese sub-culture and religious beliefs in an emerging enclave economy.

The temple might have been built as a replica of Cheng Hoon Teng of Malacca (circa 1673) which was essentially the progenitor of all Chinese temples in this country. After 1795, Dutch Malacca was temporarily brought under the British jurisdiction at the beginning of the Napoleonic War thereby paving way to an exodus of Mataccan Chinese traders, sea-fearers and labourers to Penang. Necessitated by mutual economic needs and cultural predilections, the Fukienese and Cantonese of Malacca and Peanang jointly founded Kong Hock Keong with an initial sum of $3,700, with Chinese Kapitans Wu and Cai donating $200 each. The first two known directors were Huang Jinluan and Zeng Qinyun. With Boddhisattva Guanyin as the main goddess of worship and Mazu, or the Sacred Virgin of Heaven, as an associate deity. Kong Hock Keong, or the Temple of Fukienese and Cantonese, thus became a spiritual sanctuary of all Chinese on the island. It was formally included in the official map of Georgetown, 1803, and corrupted as a ‘Chinese church’. It was also in this year that Kapitan China Hu Shiming of the settlement donated a wooden tablet in honour of Boddhisatva Guanyin.

The first major renovation and redecoration of the temple was carried out in 1824 when the Fukienese directors of the year including the Tengchu of Cheng Hoon Teng. Liang Meiji, Lin Songpan, Qiu Mingshan, Gan Shiyu, Qiu Lingzhen, Xie Xue. He Dao and Xie Qingen successfully raised a sum of $7, 995 in Singapore. Malacca and Penang to built another new hall on a piece of ground donated by Hu Zhenlin, rightful heir of Kapitan China Hu Shiming and to add a living quarters for the resident monks by the side of the main temple. Images of new deities were enshrined in the new hall to meet with the requirements of the various segments of Chinese community. In June 1833, the Straits Settlements Government appointed a three-man committee comprising Mr. Salmud, Mr. Wright and Mr. Balhete to ascertain the total area of land possessed by the temple Subsequently, an E.I. grant numbered 2420 and 1838 indicating all that piece of land situated on the west side of Pitt Street in the District of Tanjong Penaigre. Penang which contained an area of 24,169 sq. ft. with the temple erected thereon was to form Lot 71 T.S. XIX, a perpectual property of the Chinese community for purposes of religious functions.

Orientated along the east-west direction. Kong Hock Keong exhibited the highest artistic skills of traditional Chinese architecture. The tilted and curved roof with its glazed tiles, the trusses with their ornate decorations based on the beam-frame system and cantilevering brackets and elegant dou gong all added to the grace and beauty of the temple. Decorative doors, carved column bases and granite drums as well as the terminating swallow tails and the dancing dragons on roof-tops were representative of unique Chinese craftsmanship.

In terms of practical efficacy, both Boddhisattva Guanyin and Mazu were common objects of communal and individual worship in return for wealth and health. They also served as the spiritual protectors of the immigrant Chinese in a new alienated environment. Popular local deities of Fukien and Guangdong also enjoyed active worship as symbols of communal unity and intangible links between the devotees and their homelands. Ethico-political cults of deified men and sages served the social function of encouraging local Chinese to practice civic morals of loyalty, bravery, righteousness and humaneness, besides being exemplary figures of human behaviour.

Like the Fukienese Choon Ghee Seah. Tong Kheng Seah and Cheng Hoe Seah which staged religious processions to commemorate the birthdays of their respective folk deities, Kong Hock Keong held elaborate rituals and wayangs in the 1850s to mark the birthdays of Boddhisattva Guanyin and Mazu. Ceremonies were also conducted on Chinese festive days. In the fanfare of drums, cymbals and gongs, thousands of Chinese thronged the temple amid a thick fog of incense and fire crackers either to offer prayers or to watch public theatrical performance. It nevertheless courted the attention of the government as a nuisance to public peace. Official restrictive measures were enforced in 1852 by the Penang Government vis-a-vis the mode of communal worship, and the performance of wayangs and Chingay processions. It culminated in the passing of the Police Act and Conservancy Act in June 1856 which by and large was the underlying cause of a riot in the front courtyard of Kong Hock Keong on 14 March 1857 when the period of police license to perform wayang expired. This unfortunate incident had inevitably deepened the contradiction between sections of the Chinese community and the authority.

In the 1850s attempts of rival secret societies and antogonistic dialect groups to control revenue farms and other economic resources had much disrupted the internal cohesion of the Chinese in Penang. Regional segmental sentiment strengthened with the proliferation of the various dialect and dialect-kinship organization. Deterioration of the weak religious and institutional links between the Fukiense and Cantonese pangs eventually resulted in the unsatisfactory maintenance of Kong Hock Keong. Major restoration work was carried out in 1862 by the Board of Directors comprising representatives of the Fukiense Big Fives, namely Yang Yiqian, Qiu Shiquan, Xie Zhaopan, Lin Chijun and Chen Yumao of Sandu Bao and another Du Hongmo. The Cantonese directors were Huang Kingde, Mei Yuanzhan, Huang Bailing and Mei Yaoguang of Xin Ning District, Feng Denggui of Zeng Cheng District and Lin Qifa of Xiang Shan District. Reconstruction work was completed in a year with a total cost of $1,1507.50. Xu Shizhang, a native of Longqu District in Fukien Province who later became the Governor of Ranong, and Wu Jihe, the Xin Ning philan-thropist of Penang, were the two main donors towards the project. With the two granite lions donated by Huang Xun in 1829 and the pair of dragon columns by Xu Shizhang in 1866 as sentinels of the temple, the newly renovated Kong Hock Keong stood majestically on the same site as the centre of religious activities. It had also assumed its noble function as the apex arbitration body of the Chinese in social matters, especially in the quarrels between the Ghee Hin and Tua Peh Kong Societies shortly before the 1867 Riots.

However, at the height of the Third Larut War (1872 - 1874) Kong Hock Keong once again lost its influence to mediate between rival Straits financiers in their struggle for paramouncy in the Perak tinfields. This had in turn weakned the cohesive forces of the community in Penang as the secret societies involved were mostly operative along regional or dialect group tines. There were needs to liberate the Chinese from the parochialism and clanship to mould a reunified community. On the other hand, the Straits Settlements Government had since 1879 been excercising great caution in dealing with Chinese affairs. Moderation and appeasement were necessary to bring about a better understanding of the Chinese sentiments and wishes.The establishment of the Penang Chinese Town Hall in 1881 was essentially a reflection of such requirements. Pounded against the brackdrop of mid-19th century civil strife, it was meant to replace Kong Hock Keong as the centripetal supra-segmental organisation of all Chinese.

As a forerunner of intra-communal unity and co-operation, the organizing principles of Kong Hock Keong were adopted by the Penang Chinese Town Hall, with seven Fukienese and seven Cantonese community leaders voted into its first Board of Directors. The same principles were also emulated by the Lam Wah Ee Hospital in 1886 to maintain a balance of power between the two pangs. In point of fact, both Kong Hock Keong and the Penang Chinese Town Hall were under the supervision of an interlocked leadership and power structure. Since July 1888, the Fukienese representatives in Kong Hock Keong were nominated by five kongsis, two each from Kew Leong Tong Lim Kongsi, Leong San Tong Khoo Kongsi. Sit Teik Tong Yeoh Kongsi, Eng Chuan Tong Tan Kongsi and Hock Haw Kong Cheah Kongsi. The Cantonese members were drawn from the various voluntary associations as before. This system of life directorship was continued into the 20th century. It became institutionalised as the Board of Trustees with the Guangdong representatives nominated by Kwangtung and Tengchew Association when the Rules of Kong Hock Keong and its Allied Temples were enforced on 31.1.1952. A new leadership came into power in August 1895 to oversee the management of the temple and the Chinese Town Hall. It was further agreed upon in September 1897 that Huang Jingcong of Guangdong Pang and Ling Huazhan of Fukien Pang would respectively safekeep grants of the Chinese Town Hall and Kong Hock Keong.

In the 1880s, there were complaints against the resident priests of Kong Hock Keong as regards their deviant behaviour in the temple. Widespread public wrath had finally forced the government to appoint in 1887 twenty of Penang’s leading citizens, including Hu Taixing. Xu Wuan, Qiu Tiande, Xie Desbun and Xu Senmei, as new trustees for the management of the temple. They were vested with power to appoint and remove priests’ Subsequently, the choice of the new trustees fell on Abbot Miao Lian from the Gushan Monastry, Fuzhou who had come to Penang to raise funds for the renovation of the Fa Tang. The old priests were dismissed when their protest to Governor Sir Cecil Clementi Smith was rejected. Unfortunately, the installation of Abbot Miao Lian and his colleagues. Ben Zhong and De Ru, had resulted in the interference of at least one secret society. When much trepidation was felt Abbot Miao Lian finally decided to erect a new Guanyin Temple at the foot of Crane Hill, Air Itam in 1891 thereby paving way to the founding of Kek Lok Si, the Temple of Paradise in 1904.

At the turn of the century. Kong Hock Keong continued to finance the administration of Chinese Town Hall in return for the many temple activities conducted through the latter organization. The first Chingay procession in honour of Boddhisattva Guanyin was held in 1900. Eleven years after, the second pageant was held partly to celebrate the coronation of King George V in June 1911. With Guanyin. Mazu, Shennung Shengdi. Baoshen Dati and Guansheng Dadi at the lead. 50 units of beautifully decorated cars called Ch’ng Peh strolled the geographical confines of George Town. After World War 1, in 1918 - 1919, influenza, smallpox and plague broke out in Penang. A third procession was decided upon with the blessing of the Goddess to rid the island of these epidemics and concurrently, to celebrate World Armistice Day in November. A total of 42 units took part in the processing. The fourth Chingay procession was aimed at restoring prosperity in the midst of an economic slowdown in 1928. As early as July, the Chinese Town Hall mobilised eleven of its directors to assist in its organization emphasizing the display of mainly colourful lanterns, Gi, or the triangular flags of different heights and sizes and Lai, or oblong pieces of elaborately wrought red silk carried on two bamboo poles. Nevertheless, the October-November procession was heightened as multi-coloured tableau floats moved past the devotees.

As a temple that catered for practical worldly needs. Kong Hock Keong was less enthusiastic in the propagation of Dharma. There were, however, knowledgeable priests who would conduct public lectures during their brief stop-overs in Penang in the 1920s. One of such examples was Rev. Yuan Ying from Zhejiang who attracted a big crowd in February 1923. The popularity of Dharma lectures among the local devotees subsequently led to the establishment of a Penang Pu Yi Dharma School. Among its founders were the Chief Abbot of Kek Lok Si Temple, Ben Zhong, the resident priest of Kong Hock Keong. Guang Tong, prominent citizens Dai Peiji and Xie Ziyou. Guang Tong had also carried out a minor project in the same year to repaint all the indistinguishable artifacts and paraphernalia. This could be the first restoration work undertaken since 1863 and among the benefactors were five Indians.

During the turbulent years of Japanese Occupation. 1941-1945, devotees patronised the temple to solicit the deities’ divine blessings in all afflictions. In the post-war period, attempts were made to strengthen the Board of Trustees with the election of important posts explicitly defined in the Rules of Kong Hock Keong. Trustees henceforth would be vested with the power to appoint high priest to take charge of the temple and its associated temples of Thni Kong Tnua of Ayer Itam Hill and Siew Thean Keong of Perak Road on such terms and conditions as may be deemed necessary. The term of office of the high priest would be three years. He would be responsible to the Board of Trustees for the proper conduct of the religious ceremonies in the temples and also for the proper care of the temples. By-laws were drawn up in 1955 to upkeep the public image of Kong Hock Keong. In 1964, the Board assumed the task of renovating the temple displaying its grandeur and beauty in the most manifested manner. Of late, the temple trustees have devoted themselves to charitable work, alms-giving and the financing of Buddhist education.

Kong Hock Keong is steeped in history and antiquity. To the many fervent believers of Boddhisattva Guanyin, it has spiritually sustained their confidence in life, widened their understanding of moral values and soothed their passions and desires. At the societal level, through the sacred and supernatural, it regularizes individual and group behaviour in accordance with the change in time. Kong Hock Keong will be forever a part of Penang.


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从虚构到解构:论独立后马来西亚华人的武当印象
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从研究发挥优势,让别人拥抱客家文化 "第三届马来西亚客家学国际研讨会"开幕致辞
20/11/2008

正视差异是保证和谐的基础 ——思考广西佛教对东南亚交流的路向
19/11/2008

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18/11/2008

"传承与发扬:马来西亚客家人与文化产业"导言: 马来西亚客家人与国际学界的互动因缘 一一拓展"本土即故乡"情境里的话语权空间
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回溯华教斗士奋斗史… 林连玉墓园后天开放
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"慎终追远":推动生产力与社会和谐的文化资本 ——从"祭如在"的时空格局里展现无止境的民族生机
18/10/2008

“侠之大者:有孝道才能有大气去成大器” 王琛发博士大话武侠
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马来西亚客家文化与文化产业
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应道门而兴起,因道门而式微 ——西马先天大道诸派系对金母信仰的分歧
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故土情结、异地认同与族群意识 ——当玄帝信仰应化为马来西亚潮州人的开拓意象
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从钟乐臣到林连玉—— 两个世纪、一般正气、一把血泪
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马来半岛最早传播佛教的国家—— 狼牙修
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从北斗真君到九皇大帝 ——永不没落的民族意象(五)
23/08/2008

从北斗真君到九皇大帝 ——永不没落的民族意象(四)
22/08/2008

从北斗真君到九皇大帝 ——永不没落的民族意向象(三)
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从北斗真君到九皇大帝 ——永不没落的民族意象(二)
20/08/2008

从北斗真君到九皇大帝 ——永不没落的民族意象(一)
19/08/2008

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历代以来玄天上帝信仰的演变 (二)
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历代以来玄天上帝信仰的演变 (一)
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重新认识海外华商:历史、定位与当前境遇的思考
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国殇:隐藏在马来西亚九皇信仰背后的洪门天地会意识 发表于"第五届台湾、东南亚文化文学国际学术研讨会:台湾、东南亚文化文学的发展与思路",1-6-2008
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马来西亚华人殡葬业的市场印象与市场特征 (澳门殡葬论坛参考纲要)
23/04/2008

The Impression and Market Characters of the Chinese Funeral Industry
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马来西亚 倡建敦陈祯禄纪念馆:冀后代能学习与参考华族先贤之贡献
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从槟榔屿客家乡会的节日祭祀看客家乡会的历史存在意义
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一场平民无辜受罪的战争
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孝文化:面向世界提升中华民族的凝聚力量 ——以马来西亚经验为例
20/10/2007

来者可追:省思儒家文化在马来西亚华人社会的历史际遇
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《马来西亚客家人本土信仰》 序言
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Continuing Our Cooperation for the Future
23/09/2007

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《马来西亚客家人本土信仰》 绪言
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治身安国致太平 ——探索灵符食疗背后的道教理念与医理真相
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论客家文化在全球化境遇里的忧患与进路
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兰芳憾事的异乡留痕 ——从东马伦乐忠臣庙的罗芳伯崇拜谈起
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从大宝森节看马来西亚兴都教与华人在同一节日的合作与差距
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随顺众生弘佛道——清末民初中国僧人住持南洋香火庙的“香烛傌”制度
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漫谈客属与槟城华人教育
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老千向东南亚地区 兜售伪造风水古籍
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和谐必须建立于否定的再否定——以马来西亚宗教界的《道德经》经验为例
07/04/2007

东林壮志,余韵未尽
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你我相逢在黑夜的海上——陈祯禄与孙中山的思想交会
23/03/2007

马来西亚客家人的造神现象与区域主权意识
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异姓连枝 : 十九世纪马来西亚华人同乡会馆拟血缘的集体先人崇拜
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服务同乡施医扶伤 客家回春中药济世
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敢有歌吟动地哀(上)
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提倡殡葬教研:争取诠释本业务的主导权
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回春无奈――马来亚半岛客家中医留医所的兴衰
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为垦荒的历史垦荒
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信众「疯狂」追随龙甫坤 圣僧崇拜谱写传奇
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种类五花八门 烧纸扎品走火入魔
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附录三: 物色地点20年 汝来孝恩园最适合
03/09/2006 03:07:14

附录二: 叶亚来的後人在芙蓉
30/08/2006 03:07:14

附录一: 盛明利的後人在文丁
27/08/2006 03:07:14

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22/08/2006 03:07:14

萧氏联宗会史志
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惠州人在大山脚开发的地位与组织变迁(三)
20/08/2006 03:07:14

惠州人在大山脚开发的地位与组织变迁(二)
18/08/2006 03:07:14

南洋英荷两属惠侨救乡委员会森美兰分会
18/08/2006 03:07:14

惠州人在大山脚开发的地位与组织变迁(一)
16/08/2006 03:07:14

森美兰海陆会馆史略
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森美兰惠州会馆史略及现况
12/08/2006 03:07:14

19世纪槟城闽南社群神农信仰的一时盛衰 ──探讨民族意象在异地演化成帮权守护神的困境
12/08/2006 03:07:14

有关惠福社的一些历史考据 福德正神──惠州移民海外飘泊之工商生活保护神
12/08/2006 03:07:14

中元文化与民族意象
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吉隆坡第一任甲必丹 邱秀先贤
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英殖时代的惠州人 甲必丹黄应、丘三、吴琴
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当代华人的生死关怀与殡葬业现状及发展前景 ——第一届国际华人生死学研讨会综述
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盛明利的继承人 甲必丹叶致英
30/06/2006 03:07:14

芙蓉/吉隆坡第三任甲必丹 叶亚来先贤
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盛明利的神话
24/06/2006 03:07:14

英魂成神的芙蓉甲必丹 仙师爷盛明利
21/06/2006 03:07:14

惠州先民与十九世纪的森美兰州矿业
18/06/2006 03:07:14

马来西亚华人殡葬业的演变与挑战 中国长沙民政学院殡仪系主办《现代殡葬教育十年庆典研讨会》论文(下)
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马来西亚华人殡葬业的演变与挑战 中国长沙民政学院殡仪系主办《现代殡葬教育十年庆典研讨会》论文(中)
15/06/2006 03:07:14

马来西亚华人殡葬业的演变与挑战 中国长沙民政学院殡仪系主办《现代殡葬教育十年庆典研讨会》论文(上)
14/06/2006 03:07:14

联合:马华“道教”跨越族群、地域的可能 The Possibility of Integrating the Malaysian Taoist Sects across Ethnic Groups and Regions
13/06/2006 04:15:01

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经脉与人脉:道教在教义与实践中的宗教威信(下) The Lineage of Classics and Masters: Religious Authority in Daoist Doctrines and Practices
12/06/2006 03:07:14

经脉与人脉:道教在教义与实践中的宗教威信(上) The Lineage of Classics and Masters: Religious Authority in Daoist Doctrines and Practices
10/06/2006 03:07:14

义山一座会说话的历史
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辫子的故事:辫子埋葬在义山的尊严
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极乐寺《龙藏经》──反映晚清华侨政策的一瞥
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故国不堪回首月明中 从马六甲三宝山义塜看荷殖时代东南亚明末遗民的民族情结
07/04/2006 03:07:14

孔明灯:从慰藉亡魂变祈愿用途
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31/10/2005 03:07:14

魁星:蓝面赤发,跳舞为了谁?
17/10/2005 03:07:14

九皇诞烧船源自福建
03/10/2005 03:07:14

势微但不会消失 地方戏曲精致化
19/09/2005 03:07:14

大马华人找到自己 宗教信仰多元化
05/09/2005 03:07:14

Of Red And Rituals
28/05/2005 03:07:14

Visiting Their Favourite Haunts
25/05/2005 03:07:14

Kong Ming Lanterns A War Tool In Old China
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Of Interest - Penang
13/05/2005 03:07:14

Baiqi to KOAY JETTY
30/03/2005

白崎郭姓後裔在马来西亚的殡仪与祭祖 ──以死亡观建构泉州回族认同的最後防线(六)
25/03/2005 03:07:14

白崎郭姓後裔在马来西亚的殡仪与祭祖 ──以死亡观建构泉州回族认同的最後防线(五)
18/03/2005 03:07:14

Baiqi to Koay Jetty
15/03/2005 03:07:14

Arabs and Persians, merchants and Patrons
12/03/2005 03:07:14

白崎郭姓後裔在马来西亚的殡仪与祭祖 ──以死亡观建构泉州回族认同的最後防线(四)
11/03/2005 03:07:14

白崎郭姓後裔在马来西亚的殡仪与祭祖 ──以死亡观建构泉州回族认同的最後防线(三)
04/03/2005 03:07:14

白崎郭姓後裔在马来西亚的殡仪与祭祖 ──以死亡观建构泉州回族认同的最後防线(二)
25/02/2005 03:07:14

白崎郭姓後裔在马来西亚的殡仪与祭祖 ──以死亡观建构泉州回族认同的最後防线(一)
18/02/2005 03:07:14

马来西亚华人义山与私人墓园 走向可持续发展的思考(七)
28/12/2004 03:07:14

马来西亚华人义山与私人墓园 走向可持续发展的思考(四)
27/12/2004 03:07:14

马来西亚华人义山与私人墓园 走向可持续发展的思考(五)
27/12/2004 03:07:14

马来西亚华人义山与私人墓园 走向可持续发展的思考(六)
27/12/2004 03:07:14

马来西亚华人义山与私人墓园 走向可持续发展的思考(一)
26/12/2004 03:07:14

马来西亚华人义山与私人墓园 走向可持续发展的思考(二)
26/12/2004 03:07:14

马来西亚华人义山与私人墓园 走向可持续发展的思考(三)
26/12/2004 03:07:14

西方信仰与东方习俗的交谈 ──对19世纪槟榔屿客家人天主教历史的文化观察(下)
25/12/2004 03:07:14

西方信仰与东方习俗的交谈 ──对19世纪槟榔屿客家人天主教历史的文化观察(上)
24/12/2004 03:07:14

守时运动不应“手软”
23/12/2004 03:07:14

大马华社推动兴革 宜先对传统文化定位
22/12/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(十二)
21/12/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(十一)
14/12/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(十)
07/12/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(九)
30/11/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(八)
23/11/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(七)
16/11/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(六)
09/11/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(五)
02/11/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(四)
26/10/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(三)
19/10/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(二)
12/10/2004 03:07:14

新加坡潮剧百年回顾:小本经营的命运(一)
05/10/2004 03:07:14

A take on the Foochows
30/09/2004 03:07:14

Rice Planting Pioneers Keep the Faith
30/09/2004 03:07:14

槟古迹信托会 回族历史讲座
30/09/2004 03:07:14

Festivals Losing Their Meaning
29/09/2004 03:07:14

Memorial to the Fallen Heroes INTERNATIONAL PEACE MONUMENT
28/09/2004 03:07:14

爱国工委会与孝恩文化基金会 合作建立全国首座纪念碑
27/09/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(九)
26/09/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(八)
19/09/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(七)
12/09/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(六)
05/09/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(五)
29/08/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(四)
22/08/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(三)
15/08/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(二)
08/08/2004 03:07:14

中国回族後裔在马来西亚的历史见证(一)
01/08/2004 03:07:14

“百奇郭姓”专题讲座 陈漱石:保存回族习俗 郭族人聚居中台
27/07/2004 03:07:14

槟榔律天主教会墓园 发现27华裔墓碑
26/07/2004 03:07:14

邱思妮:天主教公冢是槟榔屿早期 天主教先驱者的一个代表性纪念地
26/07/2004 03:07:14

Chin Chai or Kiamsiap?
25/07/2004 03:07:14

Heritage Graves to be Shifted for Playground
24/07/2004 03:07:14

‘Preserve Heritage’of KOAY JETY
18/06/2004 03:07:14

王琛发:风水信仰相结合 华裔教徒墓碑有异洋人
06/06/2004 03:07:14

天主教公冢让路发展
06/06/2004 03:07:14

郭家骅:推动马中印民间交流 符合世界大同理想
17/04/2004 03:07:14

柑仔园94号将翻新 成为中印关系研究中心
16/04/2004 03:07:14

换取“香资”度众生 ──从文物碑铭探讨18、19世纪马六甲海峡三市的华僧活动
09/03/2004 03:07:14

王琛发:不纯粹保留原貌 复兴古绩更重要
28/02/2004 03:07:14

糊纸艺术的保存
28/02/2004 03:07:14

木版年画漫谈——写在《明清木版年画展》前夕
05/02/2004 03:07:14

The History of Penang Koay Clan
05/02/2004 03:07:14

Clan Jetty Settlers Bracing for Change
04/02/2004 03:07:14

槟城犹太人风光不再 留下百余坟墓
03/02/2004 03:07:14

二十世纪初期大马潮人社会的演变(四)
31/01/2004 03:07:14

二十世纪初期大马潮人社会的演变(三)
17/01/2004 03:07:14

二十世纪初期大马潮人社会的演变(二)
03/01/2004 03:07:14

二十世纪初期大马潮人社会的演变(一)
20/12/2003 03:07:14

反抗日军侵略战争62周年 近300中国香港同胞祭拜
19/12/2003 03:07:14

94号阅书报社肇创地
04/11/2003 03:07:14

潮人开拓马来亚事迹(四) 霹雳的潮人
03/11/2003 03:07:14

潮人开拓马来亚事迹(三) 柔佛的潮人
20/10/2003 03:07:14

潮人开拓马来亚事迹(二) 星加坡的潮人
06/10/2003 03:07:14

潮人开拓马来亚事迹(一) 北马的潮人
22/09/2003 03:07:14

日治前马新两地的日本佛教
12/09/2003 03:07:14

第一位踏足马来西亚土地的日本僧人
12/09/2003 03:07:14

槟城文化旅游新机
02/09/2003 03:07:14

The Symbolism of ‘Don’斗
24/07/2003 03:07:14

陈同同系列(七) 扩音箱里的陈同同(下篇) ──艺术生命的体现
05/07/2003 03:07:14

陈同同系列(六) 播音箱里的陈同同(中篇) ──丽的呼声篇
04/07/2003 03:07:14

陈同同系列(五) 播音箱里的陈同同(上篇) ──丽的呼声篇
03/07/2003 03:07:14

陈同同系列(四) 长街落日人影斜(下篇) ──街头走唱的陈同同
02/07/2003 03:07:14

陈同同系列(三) 长街落日人影斜(上篇) ──街头走唱的陈同同
01/07/2003 03:07:14

陈同同系列(二) 民间艺人的命运交响──从陈同同说开去
30/06/2003 03:07:14

陈同同系列(一) 陈同同与其月琴说唱
29/06/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(十) 二十世纪下半叶的槟城惠州领袖概况
25/06/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(九) 槟城惠州人历史上曾深居的几处地方
18/06/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(八) 鲁乃的惠州社群
11/06/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(七) 聚居美湖的福佬惠州人
04/06/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(六) 追寻槟城惠州人最早的聚居地
28/05/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(五) 埋没了的槟城致公堂
21/05/2003 03:07:14

历史上槟城华人社会的变迁
18/05/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(四) 有关惠福社的一些历史考据
14/05/2003 03:07:14

王琛发求助全国道教总会 参与重修名英祠
13/05/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(三) 与惠州社群渊源深远的吕罗行
07/05/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(二) 南洋英荷两属惠侨救乡委员会槟城分会
30/04/2003 03:07:14

槟城惠州人历史系列(一) 槟城惠州会馆史略
23/04/2003 03:07:14

A HISTORICAL SKETCH OF KONG HOCK KEONG
06/03/2003 03:07:14

槟榔屿广福宫史话
06/03/2003 03:07:14

惠州先民与十九世纪的森美兰鍚矿业
24/02/2003 03:07:14

WAQF & THE QUESTION OF DEVELOPMENT
14/02/2003 03:07:14

从胡文虎的思想看其在槟城的捐献
25/01/2003 03:07:14

The Pre-War Japanese Community in Penang (1890~1940)
22/01/2003 03:07:14

新加坡馆藏槟榔屿华人研究文献述略(初稿)
07/01/2003 03:07:14

谢丕源吁各国学者 给历史评估与地位
06/01/2003 03:07:14

广福宫三庙历史文化交流会 中日马学者实地考察
06/01/2003 03:07:14

研究东南亚华社 广福宫具历史地位
06/01/2003 03:07:14

Tribute to war martyrs
22/12/2002 03:07:14

为烈士安魂、为历史定位
02/12/2002 03:07:14

The roots of multi-lingual society: A case study of history, community & identity of Chinese in Penang
29/11/2002 03:07:14

少林历史与功夫
28/11/2002 03:07:14

跨语系与超省籍:晚清驻槟城领事的国族意识及其融合槟城华侨的贡献
27/11/2002 03:07:14

马来西亚五金业沧桑史 七、90年代的徘徊
19/10/2002 19:05:03

马来西亚五金业沧桑史 六、忧患的80年代
18/10/2002 17:04:02

马来西亚五金业沧桑史 五、70年代成长及稳定期
17/10/2002 15:03:02

马来西亚五金业沧桑史 四、独立後出现转化
16/10/2002 20:02:04

马来西亚五金业沧桑史 三、战後复兴的五金商业
15/10/2002 20:01:01

道教(下篇) 道教新生
15/10/2002 14:21:07

马来西亚五金业沧桑史 二、日治时代的五金业
14/10/2002 19:59:59

马来西亚五金业沧桑史 一、战前五金业的源起
13/10/2002 19:58:50

马来西亚工业发展史 六、重工业与科技工业
11/10/2002 18:55:17

马来西亚工业发展史 五、70年代後的外国投资工业
09/10/2002 18:54:11

马来西亚工业发展史 四、独立後的小型工业
07/10/2002 18:53:05

马来西亚工业发展史 三、小规模制造业和加工业
05/10/2002 18:51:53

马来西亚工业发展史 二、最早的工业:加工业
30/09/2002 19:38:07

马来西亚工业发展史 一、早期传统工业和家庭工业作坊
26/09/2002 20:20:43

古蹟变宗教名胜
26/09/2002 14:13:49

梵蒂冈确认火化仪式可接受
25/09/2002 20:19:52

The Khoo Clan
24/09/2002 18:32:36

Khoo Thean Teik
23/09/2002 19:31:38

磁商公会会史
19/09/2002 20:00:34

Poh Hock Seah: Guardians of the Flame
11/09/2002 18:56:04

道教(上篇) 宗教破除迷信
30/08/2002 15:28:45

洪门会传奇人物 林軂猪的生平事
17/06/2002 19:41:20

爱情巷昔日繁华
07/06/2002 03:07:14

Proposal Has No Impact On FENG SHUI
06/06/2002 03:07:14

历史口中寻
24/05/2002 19:11:33

陈星南:访问事件参与者 记录第一手资料
18/05/2002 19:05:26

Temple of History
12/05/2002 20:13:09

Demolished Building Was Once a Temple
03/05/2002 19:11:33

父亲罗绍香(七十一) 清明时节雨纷纷
02/05/2002 19:05:26

中国民间乐道?东南亚最老字号 不倒翁仁爱堂206岁
01/05/2002 19:27:29

天公坛保存系列(九) 王琛发发5大声明 天公坛神像须归原位
30/04/2002 03:07:14

天公坛保存系列(八) 道教联总声援天公坛修复 移神像不影响风水
26/04/2002 19:07:55

天公坛保存系列(七) 赖亚汉否认迁移指责 称所有决定必请示玉帝
22/04/2002 03:07:14

天公坛保存系列(六) 天公坛12神像传将被迁移 信众忧虑恐影响槟州命运
18/04/2002 03:07:14

天公坛保存系列(五) Temple built on Taoist tenets
14/04/2002 11:53:26

天公坛保存系列(四)
10/04/2002 15:07:08

天公坛保存系列(三) 槟城道观佛地天公坛(下篇)
06/04/2002 15:06:32

天公坛保存系列(二) 槟城道观佛地天公坛
02/04/2002 15:05:58

天公坛保存系列(一) 槟榔屿天公坛重修缘起
26/03/2002 15:03:26

汉传佛教高僧对槟榔屿 人文建设之贡献──以妙莲、竺摩为主的探索
06/02/2002 15:41:22

Significance of the Celebration
06/02/2002 14:13:07

槟榔屿华族社会的合力自主精神
05/02/2002 15:40:03

Ensuring all things good from play of names, sounds
04/02/2002 14:12:23

The Early Hokkiens in Penang
02/02/2002 14:10:20

Taoism & Chinese Beliefs
31/01/2002 10:35:39

Origin of Taoism
29/01/2002 10:33:26

从全球化与区域性的视野重构槟城历史
09/01/2002 17:17:51

Guang Fu Gong
05/11/2001 17:47:16

Headquarters for the Canton Uprising
05/11/2001 14:34:45

A Formidable Community
05/11/2001 14:07:40

南暹和吉兰丹古今纵横谈
31/10/2001 20:41:53

清代马来西亚客家人的观音信仰
30/10/2001 16:47:24

“南腔北调”难沟通 变质的龙族
05/10/2001 16:43:49

苏亚松(苏亚昌) 霹雳州政府纪念的华人拿督公
19/09/2001 19:50:48

偷石雕坏风水 盗墓涌风云
17/09/2001 19:48:50

贼徒大发死人财 墓园义山管理层赔到怕
17/09/2001 19:44:43

独立前北根华人简史
17/09/2001 19:42:56

槟专家小组高喊“不” 古蹟墓地改建游乐场
01/01/1900